The Big Story The 5 Big ‘Known Unknowns’ of Donald Trump’s New War With Iran The all-out air assault on the Islamic Republic might be the biggest gamble of the president’s career. Garrett M. Graff Mar 1, 2026 12:47 PM PHOTOGRAPH: Majid Saeedi/GETTY IMAGES Save this story Save this story During his career as a real estate mogul, Donald Trump repeatedly bankrupted casinos. In his second term as president, Trump continues to indulge his love of high-stakes gambits—and the war-entirely-of-personal-choice he launched over the weekend with Iran might be the biggest gamble yet of his entire political career. The apparent death of Iran’s supreme leader in the opening hours of the war only heightens the danger for Trump, his war partner Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the entire region, and the world beyond. On the one hand, the events of the weekend so far seem all-but foreordained. It was a war that almost everyone could see coming—the US military buildup has been underway for months and, in many ways, Trump’s been on this road since May 8, 2018, when he jettisoned the Iranian nuclear deal known as the JCPOA, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which had been carefully negotiated by the Obama administration to limit Iran’s path toward an atomic weapon. Similarly, the Iranian response to the war’s opening salvos—missiles and retaliatory strikes against other Gulf States, including Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan—had been widely foreseen and telegraphed. But where the war goes from here—how long and how far-reaching—and the fate of Iran’s regime in the days, weeks, and months ahead stand as some of the biggest unknowns ever contemplated in a famously fraught and explosive region. All of modern history tells us that upheaval in Iran is the proverbial butterfly flapping its wings, with the potential of enormous yet-to-be-understood consequences that could unfold for decades. After all, the US is still dealing with the downstream consequences of the last upheaval in Iran nearly a half-century ago, when the US-backed shah—originally put in power by a 1953 CIA coup—was ousted in 1979 by Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini and whose 86-year-old Ali Hosseini Khamenei successor led Iran until his death in the Israeli and American airstrikes this weekend. In the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War—America’s first great folly in the Middle East of the 21 st Century—then-Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld spoke of the “known unknowns” and “unknown unknowns” of geopolitical events. Today, understanding some of the “known unknowns” of Donald Trump’s grand new adventure in Iran helps to make clear the stakes of what’s ahead. 1. It has already caused American deaths . Donald Trump has been clearly emboldened in his global rambunctiousness over the last year by two major tactical military successes—a bloodless-for-America airstrike campaign on Iranian nuclear facilities last year, carried out with stealth bombers and in conjunction with earlier Israeli airstrikes, as well as the stunningly audacious raid just weeks ago to seize Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, which also was carried out without a single US death. History, though, is always a close-run thing—and earlier this week we received an unexpected window into an narrowly averted alternate history: At the State of the Union, Trump presented an Army special operations pilot, Chief Warrant Officer 5 Eric Slover, with the Medal of Honor for his brave and careful reaction after being wounded four times by machine-gun fire while piloting the lead MH-47 Chinook helicopter on the Maduro raid. It was on the one hand a wildly inappropriate made-for-TV moment— one rushed by the Pentagon to align with the president’s whim , bypassing a deliberate process that normally takes months or years—but what was even more interesting was how it revealed that, but for 45-year-old Slover’s bravery, dedication, and fortitude, the Maduro operation might have gone wildly sideways. The crash of the lead helicopter in the raid’s opening minutes might have tipped the whole operation from being seen as a smashing, daring success toward being remembered as a debacle like Jimmy Carter’s bungled attempt to rescue Iranian hostages, Operation Eagle Claw , which killed eight US servicemen and fatally injured Carter’s presidency. There’s little reason to believe that the new Iranian operation, known by the muscularly Hegsethian moniker of “Operation Epic Fury”—a name seeming better suited for a retaliatory vendetta than an out-of-the-blue war-of-choice—will remain long-term as bloodless or costless to the US in materiel, personnel, or economic toll as Trump’s two other operations, Operation Midnight Hammer and Operation Absolute Resolve, both of which were effectively one-and-done strikes. And, indeed, on Sunday morning, US Central Command put out a statemen t affirming that three US service members have already died, and five are injured, from the Iran operation. Part of Donald Trump’s calculation in striking Iran now is that Iran, weaker than it has been in a generation, is unlikely to retaliate with much strength. Certainly Iran’s traditional retaliatory arsenal has been depleted in recent years from its peak of world-ranging proxy terror campaigns . Israel since October 7 has done much to dismantle Iranian proxy groups, including its own daring attack on Hezbollah using explosive pagers , and Donald Trump’s 2020 assassination of Iranian general Qasem Soleimani removed the longstanding mastermind of Iranian terror operations. However, few strategists believe Iran's capability to strike far afield of the Middle East is zero. And intelligence officials continue to warn that Iran is seeking to kill Trump officials involved in that Soleimani operation. (In one of Trump’s early moves of presidential pique against critics, he pulled the three security details that had guarded former secretary of state Mike Pompeo, Pompeo aide Brian Hook, and former national security advisor John Bolton, who had all been targeted by the Iranian regime.) Iran has long been a substantial terror threat. As Trump himself outlined in his bizarre overnight video this weekend, Iranian-backed terror campaigns bombed a US Marine barracks in Beirut in the 1980s and, more recently, helped to kill and injure thousands of US servicemen and women in Iraq. (Trump also, oddly, seemed to insinuate that Iran played a role in the 2000 bombing of the USS Cole , a theory that is not backed up by the FBI and US government’s deep investigations of the al-Qaeda-orchestrated attack. He also posted misinformation about Iran interfering with US elections in 2020 and 2024.) The US is at its best in the opening minutes of a military campaign, when its unparalleled intelligence capabilities and technologically sophisticated military can maximize those advantages. But what happens when Iran has time to muster a response? Trump himself seemed to anticipate this, saying in his speech, that “the lives of courageous American heroes may be lost.” Which leads to: 2. What does Donald Trump think victory looks like ? Trump rode to the Oval Office in part on a wave of national dissatisfaction with the Forever Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It was a message he carried proudly on the campaign trail — no less than J.D. Vance proclaimed his support for Trump in the 2024 elections in an op-ed entitle d, “Trump’s Best Foreign Policy? Not Starting Any Wars,” and saying that Donald Trump would be the exception to the rule of the 21st century presidency. “My entire adult lifetime,” Vance wrote, “has been shaped by presidents who threw America into unwise wars and failed to win them.” “I’m not going to start wars, I’m going to stop wars,” Trump declared in his 2024 victory speech after being returned to the presidency, and he has spent much of his second term campaigning for the Nobel Peace Prize (settling, at one point, for the entirely-invented FIFA Peace Prize). Even at the beginning of the week, as part of his State of the Union, the White House trumpeted how he’s “End[ed] Wars and Foster[ed] Peace.” And yet for the second time in as many months, Trump has now launched a decapitation strike against a US adversary with seemingly little plan—or even interest—in what comes next. Venezuela, in particular, has faded from the news almost as quickly as it appeared late last year. Huge uncertainty remains around what shape its national leadership and American involvement might take going forward. In announcing Khamenei’s death, Trump posted on Truth Social, “This is the single greatest chance for the Iranian people to take back their Country. We are hearing that many of their IRGC, Military, and other Security and Police Forces, no longer want to fight, and are looking for Immunity from us…. Hopefully, the IRGC and Police will peacefully merge with the Iranian Patriots, and work together as a unit to bring back the Country to the Greatness it deserves.” The bombing, Trump promised, “will continue, uninterrupted throughout the week or, as long as necessary to achieve our objective of PEACE THROUGHOUT THE MIDDLE EAST AND, INDEED, THE WORLD!” If the Bush administration’s plan for what came after toppling Saddam Hussein once seemed thin and Dick Cheney’s pledge that “We will, in fact, be greeted as liberators” appears overly optimistic in hindsight, that pre- and post-war planning for invading Iraq looks Herculean compared to the lack of planning and strategic preparation that surrounded Trump’s solo push for war in Iran. He never even pretended to make a meaningful case to Congress for military action, and there’s no clear stated goal—or picture of victory—coming from the White House other than the amorphous “regime change” and, apparent hope that Iran was only ever a few well-placed JDAMs and Tomahawk missiles away from breaking out in democracy. Trump, who has effectively pulled off high-profile, surgical, tactical military actions like the